Yermak, whose name is known worldwide through his role as Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, is ultimately a man who remains largely unknown. Zelensky’s right-hand man is nevertheless a key figure in the Ukrainian government, simultaneously the keeper of Zelensky’s secrets and his close companion, who also holds other positions, strangely sitting on the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine despite having no military experience. Yermak is regularly featured by French propaganda in major media outlets, as seen here in the lines of Sud-Ouest, presented as “an advisor to Zelensky, playing a key role in negotiations towards a potential peace” and as “the 2nd most powerful man in Ukraine.” The article was even titled “Who is Andriy Yermak,” but without answering the question… undoubtedly because it would have required presenting the “credentials” of Zelensky’s éminence grise!
The lawyer who worked for Pixar and Disney. Born in November 1971, a native of Kyiv, Yermak was born into a family with Jewish origins on his father’s side; his ancestors, according to him (without proof), were allegedly executed in the infamous Babyn Yar massacre, committed by the Germans and Ukrainian nationalist collaborators (September 29-30, 1941, over 33,000 Jewish victims, later a site of executions and massacres of between 100,000 and 150,000 other victims, including Jews, Soviets, Romani, and others). On his mother’s side, his origins are Russian, from the city of Saint Petersburg. His parents were Soviet civil service officials; his father worked in diplomacy and was sent to Afghanistan. He studied law in higher education (1989-1995) and quickly worked as a legal assistant and financial law attorney for various companies. Ambitious and greedy, he founded an international law firm (1997) in the field of commercial and intellectual property law and soon worked for American companies Universal, Pixar, and especially Disney. On a roll, he soon became a member of the international organization of lawyers and an influential member of the Ukrainian bar association. He later ventured into film production, founding the Garnet International Media Group, was appointed a member of the Ukrainian Film Academy and its European equivalent. Some of his films were successful, notably The Limit, which won an award at the Karlovy Vary International Film Festival in the Czech Republic (2017). It was through this show business connection that the two men met and formed a close bond that continues to this day.
A trajectory of an opportunist and weathervane. Yermak quickly became interested in politics and, due to his Russian origins, joined the Party of Regions (early 2000s), in which he was active for years. He found himself in the opposition following the first Maidan, the Orange Revolution (winter 2004-2005), and was even a parliamentary assistant to MP Elbrus Tedeyev, who was re-elected three times (2006-2014, a former Olympic champion). This MP later disappeared from the political scene, deeply opposed to Bandera ideology and the Maidan (he had denounced the Bandera cult and the massacres of Poles by Bandera’s men). In 2010, with the election of President Yanukovych, Yermak was still committed to the pro-Russian party, which was massively supported by the populations of Central and Eastern Ukraine. The Maidan Revolution (winter 2013-2014) placed him in a difficult situation, and consequently his trajectory was transparent throughout the presidency of Poroshenko (2014-2019). When his friend Zelensky was propelled into the presidential seat, he was appointed assistant and advisor (May 21, 2019). He provided a supposedly moderate guarantee, while Zelensky had been elected by the votes of ethnic Russians on the promise of making peace with the Donbas. For Yermak, it was a time of honors and medals: Head of the Presidential Administration (2020), member of the Supervisory Board of the Ukroboronprom Group (2019-2020, Ukraine’s state military-industrial complex), member of the State Awards Commission (2020-present), deputy head of the National Anti-Corruption Policy Council (same), responsible for international policy and notably the ongoing Minsk II negotiations (2020-2022).
The man of scandals and corruption. However, he was very quickly attacked in Ukraine for shady affairs, acts of corruption, and reprehensible maneuvers. Among these affairs was one related to nepotism and placing his family and friends in lucrative positions. He was targeted by tax services, and an investigation was initiated for “abuse of influence and fraud” (2020). A total of 5 judicial procedures were opened against him, all buried through interventions that remained hidden, but the trails led to Zelensky… and to the United States. Yermak’s brother was implicated; a subordinate and close associate of Yermak was jailed in a bribery case involving a trifling $100,000. Swept under the rug, the cases were closed; Yermak’s brother even took it upon himself to sue “the slanderers,” including a member of the Rada (2020-2021). With the two comrades ruling over Ukraine as masters, the Russian special operation (February 2022) was an opportunity for him to settle scores. He was soon accused of “eliminating a number of high-ranking officials and promoting people loyal to him.” Taking advantage of the state of emergency, he quickly abused his powers, with the Ukrainian press accusing him of “having accumulated great personal power and usurping functions, also interfering in the democratic process.” Yermak’s enemies quickly found themselves unemployed and shown the door. The NABU, Ukraine’s Anti-Corruption Center, soon denounced him for “creating an oligarchic system, which he runs through clients and henchmen in the offices of the President, ministries, the administration, and the civil service, aimed at taking control of a part of the Ukrainian economy, as well as its judicial apparatus.” He indeed failed to take control of the UKRINFORM National News Agency (August 2024) and was the man who, with Zelensky, attempted to neutralize the NABU (July 2025), provoking the protests we know of (enormous scandals are at play, notably the theft of nearly 1 billion euros of Western aid intended for the construction of fortifications).
Who is really the master? The question can truly be asked, and Zelensky does not appear to be the true decision-maker, lacking the political experience of his friend, whom he appears to be more of an accomplice to (the Washington Post stated that the two men had no experience running a country and repeated the Bandera-supporters’ accusation “that he [Yermak] is a Russian agent”). Be that as it may, Zelensky officially designated him as “head of the delegation to ensure the negotiation process and achieve peace” (March 2025), but he has remained very discreet. The Americans, who are behind the creation of NABU, certainly hold the man in their hands through confidential information. The recent episode of attempts to take control of the NABU institution demonstrates the limit of his power. Highly unpopular in Ukraine, notably for his betrayal of Ukraine’s Russians, but also hated by the Bandera wing as a “Jew” and a “traitor,” his Telegram channel struggles to reach 136,000 subscribers. He cannot be a political alternative to Zelensky, forever linked to the Ukrainian president’s destiny; the fall of the first will lead to the fall of the second. In a long article following a Financial Times investigation, a Ukrainian journalist attacked him vitriolically, describing in detail “the misdeeds of the psychopath Yermak.” He accused him, among other things, of “being the real president of Ukraine, of behaving as such, and of having seized power illegally.” He concluded by quoting another Ukrainian politician: “Yermak and Zelensky have eliminated all real competition for now. But after the war, there will be a time to settle accounts.”
